Dressing Indian Women : Clothing and Fashion in the Early Twentieth Century.

 

Clothes veil the body. They are part of a cultural politics by which nations are actively produced.[1] They are a form of social control, a mechanism of inclusion and exclusion, mirroring social hierarchies and moral boundaries.[2]

 

British imperial presence in India had introduced not only new forms of government, language, education and social etiquette, but also a new set of criteria of civilisation with a new set of clothes to go with it. It was only in the early Twentienth Century India that the nationalist movement begun to perceive cloth and clothing as central symbols in the struggle to define a national identity. Women, as such, emerged as important bearers of this identity.

 

While the dress of British women who came to live in India were conformed to sartorial conventions of a memsahib, draped clothes (Sari, in this case) were of prime importance in the Indian nationalist discourse. However, many women from elite families began adopting the stitched blouse and petticoat as essential accoutrements with the Sari, as a marker of emancipation and progress. These new variations in the traditional attire and way of draping the Sari were seen to be free from the somewhat restrictive aspects of regional traditions, thereby asserting the image of a modern, urban and educated, Indian woman.

 

It were these women, perceived as fashionable, who were singled out for attention and critique. They were often caricatured as irresponsible, destructive of the home, morally suspect and associated with female liberty, and unbridled sexuality, unsuitable to the Indian Culture.

 

Thus, through this paper, I seek to analyse the various facets of the sartorial choices of these modern Indian women, their contestations and with the western influence and attempts at a modernised accomodation within the Indian culture, through their representations in the print media.


                                                    Videshi sariyan karep voh adh malmal.

Hind ke log gire dekh unhein munh ke bal.

Nariyan laaj se ghunghat na jo uthati hain.

Pahan ke in ko saaf nangi nazar aati hain.

Doob maro tumhein laaj na aati,

Paisa aur izzat ganva aati.[3]

 

(Foreign saris of muslin and crepe, Make the Indian men gape.

Women, who never lifted their veil, Wear these saris and appear naked.

Drown yourself, you shameless goner, You lose both your money and honour).[4]

 

This Swadeshi Poem penned in 1931 perfectly signifies how strongly did the Fashion Choices of the modern, early 20th Century Indian women came to be scrutinised in this period.

 

In the early years of the 20th Century, when the nationalist movement began to gain momentum, the nationalists desperately attempted to idolise tradition in order to represent India’s cultural and spiritual richness.[5]

 

Scholar Partha Chatterjee in his essay, “The Nation and its Women” explores a similar idea and argues that the nationalist discourse of the time was upheld and consolidated through an outer/inner dichotomy, which was utilised to promote India’s superior, spiritual culture that resided in the ‘home’ of the nation. He goes on to explore how these two spheres (the world and the home) are powerfully gendered where the world represents the masculine, material, and bureaucratic affairs of business, trade, and state, the home, is a sphere that encompasses the spiritual, the untouched, authentic, inner core of the nation.

 

By locating this reconstituted world of ‘Indianness’ within the home, the nationalist discourse further proclaimed its keepers – the women, as repositories of tradition. The search for an ideal Indian Costume for women, that would supremely represent India’s Cultural Superiority, was thus, ongoing. Clothing and Fashion were now inscribed with new meanings and became a key visual symbol of the freedom struggle against British rule.

 

The adaptation of swadeshi by M K Gandhi imparted new meanings to practices of clothing. Khadi became a critical marker of swadeshi and national identity, so much so that Susan Bean refers to khadi as the “fabric of Indian independence”. Loyalty to one’s ascribed culture was to be maintained in styles of dress, but the burden of such loyalty fell largely on women. Men were often exempted from sharp mockery due to the supposed necessity of wearing western dress at the work place.[6]

 

In the 1920s, responding to Gandhi’s call, a number of nationalist women entered the public arena, though in a restricted sense, and lent their support to the khadi campaign, taking vows of swadeshi.[7]

 

The immensely popular women’s journal Grihalakshmi wrote,

Jeeyen to swadeshi badan par basan ho,

Maren agar to swadeshi kafan ho.

(While we live our apparel be of swadeshi, when we die our shroud be of swadeshi.)[8]

 

Therefore, in this discourse, a lot of the emphasis was on khadi, austerity, renunciation of expensive and foreign cloth and resistance to western styles.[9] The Sari, as such, emerged as a symbol of India’s cultural ethos and feminine beauty. From the early part of the 20th century, it was employed to create the persona of a ‘proper’ Indian woman and percieved as truly ‘traditional’ in a rapidly modernizing India, even though, as an article in The Times of India, acknowledged, it was worn in different manners in different regions of India.[10] 

 

.

However, the Victorian morality of Christian missionaries and social reformers that saw upper-body nudity as indecent and seductive gradually paved way for Indian women to cover their breasts with ‘blouses’ which were earlier simply enwrapped in the sari.

 

By the first half of the 20th century, the three-piece ensemble of sari, petticoat and blouse had become the norm for the educated urban woman representing an increasingly progressive outlook while still emphasizing the sartorial elements representative of ‘Indianness.’ Some of these elite women acquired their sartorial inspiration from the English memsahib’s tailored outfit. They modelled their sari blouses with pleats, ruffles, fancy sleeves, elaborate necklines and corsets, complemented by accessories such as heeled footwear and lavish hairdos.[11]

 


Fig 1 : Jnanadanandini Debi (left) dressed in a high-necked, long-sleeved blouse alongside her husband, Satyendranath Tagore,older brother of Rabindranath Tagore and Kadambari Debi (right), wife of Jyotirindranath Tagore (another of theTagore brothers, who is seen seated), wearing a dark Parsi sari with the characteristic attached border of Chinese floral silk. The photograph was taken by P. Vuccino & Co. in the early 1880s.


In contrast, swadeshi clothing was geared at khadi, representing asceticism and utilitarian fashion that ensured controlled domestic expenses. Away from ornamentation and ostentatious display, swadeshi attire was based on simplicity. Thus, the sartorial choices of these elite, educated women, came under special scrutiny and were vigorously written about in the vernacular newspapers and magazines. A cartoon in the Cartoon Booklet (1938), published from Allahabad, was directed explicitly at these women.

 

Titled “Avoid Wasteful Expenditure”, on the one hand, it illustrated a simple woman who used indigenous items like handwoven sari, open-heeled sandals, coconut oil, and twig of neem to clean teeth. Her monthly expenditure was shown as Rs 7.70. On the other hand, the “Lady’s” or “Memsahib’s” monthly expenditure on sari, blouse, petticoat, wristwatch, handbag with make-up case, scent, gloves, hairspray and haircut was a whooping Rs 120.80, signifying a 15-fold increase. The cartoon rhetorically asked: Who is happy?

 

Another of the caricatures publsihed in the magazine Kamla (1932), published in Banaras,  represented an Indian woman falling off from the high pedestal of Indian tradition/culture in attempt to catch fashion :



Fig 2 : The caption below the image ‘Paschim ki hava mein nayi sabhyata ka rangin gubbara’ (colourful balloon of new civilization brought by the winds of west) caricatures the follower of fashion.

 



In Southern India, such worries were reflected in regular columns on fashion such as the suggestions of Sister Susie in Indian Ladies Magazine (ILM), a leading magazine circulated mostly in Madras :

 

“When however, we, Indian women, begin to study the fashions of

the western world and try to imitate them in detail, then I think

it will be time for us to hang our heads in shame. Why should we

imitate what is western? When Western fashions do not

sometimes suit Western people, how can they suit us?”[12]

 

She further implied that there was no need for the saris to be too tightly twisted or folded around the body. According to her, this way of wearing sari was ‘Un-Indian and exotic.’

 

As a matter of fact, Hindustani Shishtachar, a manual on Indian manners and etiquette, went so far as to argue that wearing Indian clothes was a national duty, as it was a sign of pride to show independence even in a state of dependency. And women were its main exemplifiers.[13]

 

A similar opinion was reflected in one editorial in the journal Chand which pointed out that girls who came out of schools learned only two things, fashion and English culture. Indian dressing was being moulded according to western concepts, and according to the journal, fashion was akin to adultery (vyabhichar). These women were caricatured as immoral, uncaring and spendthrift. In a cartoon published in Chand, the caption said:

 

‘Ardh Sikshita Madam’, devi ji rat ko Mr. Champat Rai ke saath theatre

dekhne gayi thi, is samay shrimati ji couch par shayan kar rahi hain aur

bechare pati devta bibi sahibha ki agyaanusar “gulabi Jutiyon” par paolish

kar rahen hain aur man hi man kah rahe hain jo meri is halat ko dekh kar

hanse parmatma kare who bhi is halat mein fasein…’

 

(Half educated madam went to theatre with Mr.Champat Rai last night and is resting on the couch. The poor husband is polishing his wife’s pink sandals as per her orders and is cursing his destiny).

 

 

Not only magazines, images of the home in calendar art also offered women a life of leisure, with ample hours for relaxation. Often designed to ornament calendars issued by businesses to customers and friends, such images also circulated independently as posters suitable for framing. Printed in bright colors at low cost, ‘calendar art’ circulated widely in mid-twentieth century India, gracing the walls of homes and offices alike, across the middle classes.  As such, this popular art form brought an idealized vision of the modern home.

 

In image after image, women appear talking on the phone (Fig. 3), socializing over tea (Fig. 4), listening to the radio (Fig. 5), gazing at their own reflection in the mirror (Fig.6), putting on makeup (Fig.7), or simply sitting still (Fig.8). For all the nationalist focus on the home in the nineteenth century, it is remarkable how little political charge the home carries in these images.  These are thoroughly westernized spaces, in which often the only indication of an Indian setting is the female body, with its iconic sari, gold jewelry, and black hair.[14]

 


 Fig. 3 : Woman talking on the phone, sample calendar image, Oriental Calendar Manufacturing Company, Calcutta, 1954.   

Fig. 4 : Woman at a tea table, in a sample poster of Oriental Calender Manufacturing Company, Calcutta, circa 1940s.


Fig. 5 : Woman listening to the radio. Sample of calendar image. Oriental Calendar Mfg. Co. Calcutta, circa 1940s.


Fig. 6 : Woman admiring herself in a mirror. Framing poster, Phoenix P. Works, Ahmedabad, circa 1930s.


Fig. 7 : Woman powdering her chin. Framing poster from Oriental Calender Manufacturing Company, Calcutta, circa 1940s.


Fig. 8 : Woman seated on chair in a verandah. Poster painted by Lekh Raj Shastri, signed 1935. Place of publication: Calcutta.

 

These fashionable women, were often mocked, and percieved as “bad housewives”. One article went so far to state that women’s insatiable craving for foreign goods symbolised the “wiles of women” or her tiriya charitra (literally, women’s character), as they endlessly pushed their husbands to purchase such ostentatious items.[15]

 

However, at the same time, magazines like Mahila, published in Calcutta, welcomed the changes in women’s dressing. According to its authors, the new fashion of wearing jacket or blouses without sleeves was much better in covering body then the old custom of wearing sari without blouse or inner clothing.[16]

 

Thus, we see how Swadeshi created a new language of distinction. The opulent “bad” housewife, the westernised Indian memsahib was contrasted to the dependable, sensible and perfect “swadeshi” woman that the nation required.[17] These efforts at cultivating a new nationalist woman marked an intricate link between nationalism, gender formation and clothing.[18]

 

Disappointing as it is, not much as changed over the course of one century. The modern, educated Indian women are still scorned and mocked for choosing ripped jeans over traditional Indian attires, and their sartorial choices continue to be scrutinised vigorously. Clothing restrictions, especially for women and girls, are routinely reported.[19] It will not be wrong to say, thus, that the Indian Women still do find themselves managing between their contestations and cohesiveness with the concepts of modernity and tradition, every step of the way.

 

But E.H Carr’s words,

“To enable man to understand the society of the past and to increase his mastery over the society of the present is the dual function of history”[20]

continues to instill in us, the students of History, the hope for a better future.


References



[1] Ross, Robert (2008): Clothing: A Global History (Cambridge: Polity)

[2] Davis, Fred (1992): Fashion, Culture and Identity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press

[3]

[4] Vaishya 1931: 12

[5] Kawlra, Aartu. (2014). Sari and the Narrative of Nation. Global Textile Encounters.

[6] Prasad, Anupama (2016). Clothing and Fashion : Presenting the Indian Female Body in Early 20th Century. Journal of Studies in History and Culture.

[7]Gupta, Charu. (2012). 'Fashioning' Swadeshi: Clothing Women in Colonial North India. Economic and Political Weekly.

[8]Grihalakshmi , Allahabad, 1921, quoted in Rao and Devi (1984).

[9]Tarlo, Emma (1996) Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press),pp.16-21.

[10]Sally, ‘Beauty of the Sari: Has Stood the Test of Time’, The Times of India, 22 October 1935, p.13.

[11]Kawlra, Aarti (2014). Sari and the Narrative of Nation. Global Textile Encounters.

[12]Sister Susie, ‘Our Fashion Suggestions’, ILM, volume 2, No 8, March 1929 , pp. 434-435.

[13]Guru, Kamtaprasad (1927): Hindusthani Shishtachar (A Criticism of Indian Manners and Etiquette)(Allahabad: Ramnarayan Lal).

[14]McGowan, Abigail ‘Modernity at Home: Leisure, Autonomy and the New Woman in India’, Tasveer Ghar

[15]Vajpeyi, Onkarnath (1914): Kanya Sadachar (GoodBehaviour of Girls), Prayag.

[16]Shri Mohan Lal Nehru, ‘fashionable’, Kamla, July 1940, pp. 9-11.

[17]Vinod (1922): Mahatma Gandhi ki Swadeshi Holi (Swadeshi Holi of Mahatma Gandhi) (Luc-know: Hindi Pustak Bhandar)

[18]Gupta, Charu. (2012). 'Fashioning' Swadeshi: Clothing Women in Colonial North India. Economic and Political Weekly.

[19]Pandey, Geeta (2021). Why India is talking about ripped jeans and knees. BBC News.

[20]E. H. Carr (1961). What is history? New York: Vintage.


Author:


Shambhavi Jha
2nd Year, History Hons. KMC



Shambhavi Jha is a 2nd year student of History Hons. of Kirori Mal College. This work of hers has won the best paper award in a paper presentation competition held by Miranda House College, University of Delhi on 30th February, 2021 and has received Special Mention in the paper presentation competition organised by Kirori Mal College on 13th April, 2021, as a part of its annual fest ATEET.

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